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The Ohrid Agreement

The first amendment to the Constitution (November 2001) allowed the Albanian language in the Assembly`s internal regulations. On 1 November 2002, Macedonia launched an international population census (including the Council of Europe and the European Commission) to determine the size of ethnic groups. In accordance with the agreement, this should have been done before the end of October 2002. The main Albanian party of the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), a national liberation army (Ushtria Clirimtare Kombetare, UCK), was not admitted to the government, even though it was the largest Albanian party. While this is not contrary to the Ohrid framework agreement, the government did not have a double majority in parliament and the government has made efforts to circumvent the double-majority requirement. In addition, there was a boycott of the Albanian party, followed by a specific agreement between the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (Vnatreena makedonska revolucionerna organizacija, VMRO) and DUI. 2.1. The parties stress the importance of the commitments made on 5 July 2001. Hostilities are completely interrupted, ethnic armed groups of Albanian unrest are completely disarmed and their total voluntary dissolution will take place.

They acknowledge that a NATO decision to assist in this regard in the establishment of a general, unconditional and open ceasefire, agreement on a political solution to that country`s problems, a clear commitment by armed groups to voluntarily disarm and the acceptance by all parties of the conditions and restrictions in which NATO forces will operate. The constitutional amendments were to be made within 45 days of the agreement, but they were introduced on 16 November 2001 after three months. The Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was signed on 13 August 2001. The signing of this agreement was a response to the armed conflict in Macedonia between the Macedonian army and the police and the National Paramilitary National Liberation Army (NLA). With the ATO, some of the demands of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia have been accepted. Although the agreement was officially signed in Skopje, it was called the Ohrid Framework Agreement, the signing having been preceded by a series of negotiations that took place mainly in Ohrid. The signatories of the ATO were the leaders of the four main political parties in Macedonia (the two main Macedonian ethnic parties and the two main ethnic Albanian parties), the President and a Special Representative of the United States and the European Union (EU) 1. Therefore, the agreement is guaranteed by the international community. However, there has been no formal UN resolution, for example for the Kosovo conflict.2 The aim of this chapter is to analyse and comment on the ten points of the agreement, which served as the basis for a new system of power-sharing and internal restructuring of Macedonia, including constitutional amendments and the adoption of new old and revised laws. Despite the fact that the ATO may seem controversial, it was a response to the circumstances in which it was signed, armed conflict and strong international pressure.

Debates on the decisions of the agreement, its importance and its role continue today. As the provisions of the peace agreement were implemented, there was no international monitoring in 2004. 6.2. Public funds are allocated to higher education in languages spoken by at least 20% of the Macedonian population on the basis of specific agreements. In 2002, electoral district laws were passed, suggesting the implementation of the framework agreement. There was a precondition for real compliance with the ceasefire agreement for NATO intervention.

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